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The only form of land alienation addressed in the text is sale by owner. If the priesthood in the early Persian period really wanted a legal pretext for the return of lost lands, they would surely have written themselves a law that directly addressed their situation.

Bergsma therefore points out the incongruity of Wellhausen's ascribing an exilic or post-exilic date to the Jubilee and Sabbatical-year legislation, since this would conflict with the Sitz im Leben of Israel during, and after, the exile.

In addition, Bergsma shows that the problem that this legislation was addressing was a problem recognized by the kings of Babylon in the second millennium BC, which naturally suggests the possibility of a much earlier date of codification.

Such "clean slate" decrees were intended to redress the tendency of debtors, in ancient societies, to become hopelessly in debt to their creditors, thus accumulating most of the arable land into the control of a wealthy few.

The decrees were issued sporadically. Economist Michael Hudson maintains that the Biblical legislation of the Jubilee and Sabbatical years addressed the same problems encountered by these Babylonian kings, but the Biblical formulation of the laws presented a significant advance in justice and the rights of the people.

This was due to the "clean slates" now being codified into law, rather than relying on the whim of the king. Furthermore, the regular rhythm of the Sabbatical and Jubilee years meant that everyone would know when the next release was due, thereby giving fairness and equity to both creditor and debtor.

The biblical regulations concerning the Jubilee year form part of the Holiness code , which appears in the Torah as part of the collections of laws given on Mount Sinai or Mount Horeb.

According to these regulations, [22] the Jubilee was to be sounded once 49 years had been counted, [23] raising an ambiguity over whether the Jubilee was within the 49th year, or followed it as an intercalation in the 7-year sabbatical cycles; scholars and classical rabbinical sources are divided on the question.

The biblical requirement is that the Jubilee year was to be treated like a Sabbatical year, with the land lying fallow, but also required the compulsory return of all property to its original owners or their heirs, except the houses of laymen within walled cities, in addition to the manumission of all Israelite indentured servants.

The biblical regulations state that the land was to rest a "Sabbath" when the Children of Israel came to the land God was giving them Israel.

One reason for this interpretation of the Levitical text was that if counting started before the land was completely conquered, it would require the Israelites to return the land to the Canaanites within 50 years; similar nationalistic concerns about the impact of the Jubilee on land ownership have been raised by Zionist settlers.

The biblical regulations go on to specify that the price of land had to be proportional to how many years remained before the Jubilee, with land being cheaper the closer it is to the Jubilee.

Since the 49th year was already a sabbatical year, the land was required to be left fallow during it, but if the 50th year also had to be kept fallow, as the Jubilee, then no new crops would be available for two years, and only the summer fruits would be available for the following year, creating a much greater risk of starvation overall; [6] Judah the Prince contended that the jubilee year was identical with the sabbatical 49th year.

The length of the Jubilee cycle continues to be of interest to modern scholarship, as does the question of the practicality of the legislation, and whether it was ever put into effect on a nationwide basis.

Regarding the length of the cycle, three significant scholarly studies devoted to the Jubilee and Sabbatical years agree that it was 49 years, while disagreeing somewhat on the interpretation of the other issues involved.

Calendrical document 4Q from the Dead Sea Scrolls "represents a calendrical system based on the weekly rotation of the twenty-four priestly courses during a six-year period and constructed into six consecutive Jubilees, i.

An example of the textual argument is given by North in his comparison of Leviticus —16 with Leviticus — The first passage establishes the timing, in days, for the Festival of Weeks Shavuot , while the second prescribes the timing, in years, for the Jubilee.

These seven weeks would constitute 49 days in most modern methods of reckoning. Nevertheless, verse 16 says that they are to be reckoned as 50 days.

This method of reckoning sometimes called "inclusive numbering" is fairly common in Scripture; for example, the Feast of Tabernacles is to last for seven days Leviticus —36 , but the last day is called the eighth day v.

North found this comparison between Leviticus 23 Feast of Weeks and Leviticus 25 Jubilees to be "the strongest possible support for the forty-ninth year" [34] as the Jubilee year.

His conclusion that the Jubilee was identical with the seventh Sabbatical year was followed by Lefebvre, for this as well as additional reasons.

The consideration that the Jubilee was identical with the seventh Sabbatical year solves the various practical problems, as also addressed by these authors.

If the Jubilee were separate from, and following the seventh Sabbatical year, then there would be two fallow years in succession.

Lefebvre points out, however, that there is no support in Scripture for two voluntary fallow years in succession, even though some have misinterpreted Leviticus —22 as if this refers to a Jubilee year following a Sabbatical year, which is not the sense of the passage.

Lefebvre shows that this cannot be the case because planting is mentioned for the eighth year; it is the year after a Sabbath, a year in which planting and harvesting resume.

But Scripture gives no instructions for making such an adjustment. Instead, it is assumed that the two cycles will always be in phase so that the shofar can be sounded in the seventh year of the seventh Sabbatical cycle.

In contrast, the consideration that the Jubilee year is an intercalated year separate and distinct from the Sabbatical cycles resolves an issue of the requirement for observation of the Torah of both Leviticus and Leviticus For in the former passage, the command is that sowing and pruning must occur for 6 consecutive years, whereas in the latter, the command is to neither sow, nor reap nor gather from untended vines in the Jubilee year.

If the Jubilee year is the 50th year as confirmed by Leviticus —11 , it must necessarily be a separate year from the first 49 years comprising the whole of the first seven Sabbatical cycles.

Therefore it cannot be identical with the seventh Sabbatical year, as 49 does not equal Were the Jubilee year to be considered identical with year 1 of the following Sabbatical cycle, the requirement of observing 6 consecutive years of sowing and pruning could not be observed as only 5 years would therefore be available for sowing and reaping, not the specified six as Leviticus requires.

A lot of the misunderstanding comes from not carefully reading the original Hebrew text. There was no requirement in the Law to observe 6 consecutive years of sowing.

The command stated that you may sow for 6 years but in the 7th year the land must observe a sabbath rest.

It would be a double negative to command the land to be sowed for 6 years in cases of famine and war.

Although not cited by these authors, two historical arguments also argue for a year cycle. The first is that the Samaritans celebrated a year cycle.

The counting will again be according to a year cycle. This reckoning would give 47 years from the Jubilee mentioned in the 18th year of Josiah Megillah 14b to the Jubilee that took place 14 years after Jerusalem fell to the Babylonians Arakin 12a , whereas the correct difference was 49 years BC to BC.

This has been presented as additional evidence that the cycle was 49 years, and further that the cycles were being measured until the last Jubilee in the days of Ezekiel, when the stipulations of the Jubilee year, long neglected except in the counting of the priests, could no longer be observed because the people were captive in a foreign land.

The Seder Olam Rabbah recognized the importance of the Jubilee and Sabbatical cycles as a long-term calendrical system, and attempted at various places to fit the Sabbatical and Jubilee years into its chronological scheme.

As mentioned above, the Seder Olam put forth the idea that the counting for these cycles was deferred until 14 years after entry into the land.

The reasons for this are given in Seder Olam chapter In Joshua chapter 14, Caleb mentions that he was 40 years old when he was sent out as a spy in the second year in the wilderness, and his present age was 85 Joshua ,10 , which meant he received his inheritance seven years after entering Canaan.

Rabbi Jose assumed that everyone else received their inheritance when Caleb did, or had already received it, so that the allotment of the land to the tribes was finished at this time.

Because the division of the land took seven years, the conquest that followed must also have taken seven years. Another explanation has been offered for Rabbi Jose's postponement of counting until 14 years had elapsed.

In this same chapter 11 of the Seder Olam , Rabbi Jose stated for unknown reasons that Israel's time in its land must have lasted an integral number of Jubilee periods.

If this were true, one of those periods should have ended at the beginning of the exile in BC. Yet Rabbi Jose also believed that Ezekiel marked the beginning of the seventeenth Jubilee, and this was 14 years after the city fell.

In other words, the Jubilee came 14 years too late, according to the idea that the time in the land must comprise an integral number of Jubilee cycles.

Rodger Young proposes that the knowledge of when a genuine Jubilee was due was the real reason for the supposition of a delay before the start of counting:.

If that had been the case, then we should have expected that BC, when the exile began, would have been at the end of a Jubilee period. However, Rabbi Yose cited Ezek as designating the time of the seventeenth Jubilee, and since he knew this was fourteen years after the city fell, he presumed that counting had been delayed for fourteen years so that he could account for the fourteen years between the fall of the city and the observance of the seventeenth Jubilee.

He also mentioned the previous Jubilee, in the time of Josiah. An alternative account is that counting started at the entry into the land. This follows from a straightforward reading of the relevant text in Leviticus:.

Six years you shall sow your field, and six years you shall prune your vineyard and gather in its crop, but during the seventh year the land shall have a sabbath rest, a sabbath to the L ORD You are also to count off seven sabbaths of years for yourself, seven times seven years, so that you have the time of the seven sabbaths of years, namely , forty-nine years.

You shall then sound a ram's horn abroad on the tenth day of the seventh month; on the day of atonement you shall sound a horn all through your land.

You shall thus consecrate the fiftieth year and proclaim a release through the land to all its inhabitants. The Talmud states that the people of Israel counted 17 Jubilees from the time they entered the Land of Canaan until their exile at the destruction of the First Temple.

According to the religious calendar that started the year in Nisan, and in accordance with Joshua that places the entry in the land in Nisan, Nisan of BC is the month and year when counting started.

The method of determining the date of the Exodus and entry into Canaan from the Jubilee cycles is independent of the method of deriving these dates from 1 Kings , yet the two methods agree.

A different approach is taken in the Talmud Arakhin 12a—b which, like Seder Olam , assigns only years to the First Temple, [48] preceded by years from the exodus to its building by Solomon I Kings in BC, and its destruction in BC.

The Talmud Arakhin 12b accounts for 40 years of wandering in the wilderness, and 7 years taken to conquer the land of Canaan and 7 years to divide the land among the tribes, putting the first Jubilee cycle precisely 54 years after the exodus i.

The historian Josephus , however, had a different tradition, writing in his work Antiquities Moreover, Josephus' reckoning of the timeline of events does not always align with Seder Olam , the book on which rabbinic tradition is so dependent.

The discrepancies between Josephus and Seder Olam have led some scholars to think that the dates prescribed in Seder Olam are only approximations, as Josephus brings down supportive evidence by making use of two basic epochs, the Olympiad era counting and the Seleucid era counting, drawn principally from other writers, to verify the historicity of many of these events.

In spite of their differences in the general span of years, there is not necessarily disagreement between Josephus and Seder Olam when Josephus refers to dates of Sabbatical years during the Second Temple period, as the time-frame for these dates overlap those mentioned in Seder Olam chapter 30 for the Grecian , Hasmonean , and Herodian periods.

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According to these regulations, [22] the Jubilee was to be sounded once 49 years had been counted, [23] raising an ambiguity over whether the Jubilee was within the 49th year, or followed it as an intercalation in the 7-year sabbatical cycles; scholars and classical rabbinical sources are divided on the question.

The biblical requirement is that the Jubilee year was to be treated like a Sabbatical year, with the land lying fallow, but also required the compulsory return of all property to its original owners or their heirs, except the houses of laymen within walled cities, in addition to the manumission of all Israelite indentured servants.

The biblical regulations state that the land was to rest a "Sabbath" when the Children of Israel came to the land God was giving them Israel. One reason for this interpretation of the Levitical text was that if counting started before the land was completely conquered, it would require the Israelites to return the land to the Canaanites within 50 years; similar nationalistic concerns about the impact of the Jubilee on land ownership have been raised by Zionist settlers.

The biblical regulations go on to specify that the price of land had to be proportional to how many years remained before the Jubilee, with land being cheaper the closer it is to the Jubilee.

Since the 49th year was already a sabbatical year, the land was required to be left fallow during it, but if the 50th year also had to be kept fallow, as the Jubilee, then no new crops would be available for two years, and only the summer fruits would be available for the following year, creating a much greater risk of starvation overall; [6] Judah the Prince contended that the jubilee year was identical with the sabbatical 49th year.

The length of the Jubilee cycle continues to be of interest to modern scholarship, as does the question of the practicality of the legislation, and whether it was ever put into effect on a nationwide basis.

Regarding the length of the cycle, three significant scholarly studies devoted to the Jubilee and Sabbatical years agree that it was 49 years, while disagreeing somewhat on the interpretation of the other issues involved.

Calendrical document 4Q from the Dead Sea Scrolls "represents a calendrical system based on the weekly rotation of the twenty-four priestly courses during a six-year period and constructed into six consecutive Jubilees, i.

An example of the textual argument is given by North in his comparison of Leviticus —16 with Leviticus — The first passage establishes the timing, in days, for the Festival of Weeks Shavuot , while the second prescribes the timing, in years, for the Jubilee.

These seven weeks would constitute 49 days in most modern methods of reckoning. Nevertheless, verse 16 says that they are to be reckoned as 50 days.

This method of reckoning sometimes called "inclusive numbering" is fairly common in Scripture; for example, the Feast of Tabernacles is to last for seven days Leviticus —36 , but the last day is called the eighth day v.

North found this comparison between Leviticus 23 Feast of Weeks and Leviticus 25 Jubilees to be "the strongest possible support for the forty-ninth year" [34] as the Jubilee year.

His conclusion that the Jubilee was identical with the seventh Sabbatical year was followed by Lefebvre, for this as well as additional reasons.

The consideration that the Jubilee was identical with the seventh Sabbatical year solves the various practical problems, as also addressed by these authors.

If the Jubilee were separate from, and following the seventh Sabbatical year, then there would be two fallow years in succession. Lefebvre points out, however, that there is no support in Scripture for two voluntary fallow years in succession, even though some have misinterpreted Leviticus —22 as if this refers to a Jubilee year following a Sabbatical year, which is not the sense of the passage.

Lefebvre shows that this cannot be the case because planting is mentioned for the eighth year; it is the year after a Sabbath, a year in which planting and harvesting resume.

But Scripture gives no instructions for making such an adjustment. Instead, it is assumed that the two cycles will always be in phase so that the shofar can be sounded in the seventh year of the seventh Sabbatical cycle.

In contrast, the consideration that the Jubilee year is an intercalated year separate and distinct from the Sabbatical cycles resolves an issue of the requirement for observation of the Torah of both Leviticus and Leviticus For in the former passage, the command is that sowing and pruning must occur for 6 consecutive years, whereas in the latter, the command is to neither sow, nor reap nor gather from untended vines in the Jubilee year.

If the Jubilee year is the 50th year as confirmed by Leviticus —11 , it must necessarily be a separate year from the first 49 years comprising the whole of the first seven Sabbatical cycles.

Therefore it cannot be identical with the seventh Sabbatical year, as 49 does not equal Were the Jubilee year to be considered identical with year 1 of the following Sabbatical cycle, the requirement of observing 6 consecutive years of sowing and pruning could not be observed as only 5 years would therefore be available for sowing and reaping, not the specified six as Leviticus requires.

A lot of the misunderstanding comes from not carefully reading the original Hebrew text. There was no requirement in the Law to observe 6 consecutive years of sowing.

The command stated that you may sow for 6 years but in the 7th year the land must observe a sabbath rest. It would be a double negative to command the land to be sowed for 6 years in cases of famine and war.

Although not cited by these authors, two historical arguments also argue for a year cycle. The first is that the Samaritans celebrated a year cycle.

The counting will again be according to a year cycle. This reckoning would give 47 years from the Jubilee mentioned in the 18th year of Josiah Megillah 14b to the Jubilee that took place 14 years after Jerusalem fell to the Babylonians Arakin 12a , whereas the correct difference was 49 years BC to BC.

This has been presented as additional evidence that the cycle was 49 years, and further that the cycles were being measured until the last Jubilee in the days of Ezekiel, when the stipulations of the Jubilee year, long neglected except in the counting of the priests, could no longer be observed because the people were captive in a foreign land.

The Seder Olam Rabbah recognized the importance of the Jubilee and Sabbatical cycles as a long-term calendrical system, and attempted at various places to fit the Sabbatical and Jubilee years into its chronological scheme.

As mentioned above, the Seder Olam put forth the idea that the counting for these cycles was deferred until 14 years after entry into the land.

The reasons for this are given in Seder Olam chapter In Joshua chapter 14, Caleb mentions that he was 40 years old when he was sent out as a spy in the second year in the wilderness, and his present age was 85 Joshua ,10 , which meant he received his inheritance seven years after entering Canaan.

Rabbi Jose assumed that everyone else received their inheritance when Caleb did, or had already received it, so that the allotment of the land to the tribes was finished at this time.

Because the division of the land took seven years, the conquest that followed must also have taken seven years. Another explanation has been offered for Rabbi Jose's postponement of counting until 14 years had elapsed.

In this same chapter 11 of the Seder Olam , Rabbi Jose stated for unknown reasons that Israel's time in its land must have lasted an integral number of Jubilee periods.

If this were true, one of those periods should have ended at the beginning of the exile in BC. Yet Rabbi Jose also believed that Ezekiel marked the beginning of the seventeenth Jubilee, and this was 14 years after the city fell.

In other words, the Jubilee came 14 years too late, according to the idea that the time in the land must comprise an integral number of Jubilee cycles.

Rodger Young proposes that the knowledge of when a genuine Jubilee was due was the real reason for the supposition of a delay before the start of counting:.

If that had been the case, then we should have expected that BC, when the exile began, would have been at the end of a Jubilee period.

However, Rabbi Yose cited Ezek as designating the time of the seventeenth Jubilee, and since he knew this was fourteen years after the city fell, he presumed that counting had been delayed for fourteen years so that he could account for the fourteen years between the fall of the city and the observance of the seventeenth Jubilee.

He also mentioned the previous Jubilee, in the time of Josiah. An alternative account is that counting started at the entry into the land.

This follows from a straightforward reading of the relevant text in Leviticus:. Six years you shall sow your field, and six years you shall prune your vineyard and gather in its crop, but during the seventh year the land shall have a sabbath rest, a sabbath to the L ORD You are also to count off seven sabbaths of years for yourself, seven times seven years, so that you have the time of the seven sabbaths of years, namely , forty-nine years.

You shall then sound a ram's horn abroad on the tenth day of the seventh month; on the day of atonement you shall sound a horn all through your land.

You shall thus consecrate the fiftieth year and proclaim a release through the land to all its inhabitants.

The Talmud states that the people of Israel counted 17 Jubilees from the time they entered the Land of Canaan until their exile at the destruction of the First Temple.

According to the religious calendar that started the year in Nisan, and in accordance with Joshua that places the entry in the land in Nisan, Nisan of BC is the month and year when counting started.

The method of determining the date of the Exodus and entry into Canaan from the Jubilee cycles is independent of the method of deriving these dates from 1 Kings , yet the two methods agree.

A different approach is taken in the Talmud Arakhin 12a—b which, like Seder Olam , assigns only years to the First Temple, [48] preceded by years from the exodus to its building by Solomon I Kings in BC, and its destruction in BC.

The Talmud Arakhin 12b accounts for 40 years of wandering in the wilderness, and 7 years taken to conquer the land of Canaan and 7 years to divide the land among the tribes, putting the first Jubilee cycle precisely 54 years after the exodus i.

The historian Josephus , however, had a different tradition, writing in his work Antiquities Moreover, Josephus' reckoning of the timeline of events does not always align with Seder Olam , the book on which rabbinic tradition is so dependent.

The discrepancies between Josephus and Seder Olam have led some scholars to think that the dates prescribed in Seder Olam are only approximations, as Josephus brings down supportive evidence by making use of two basic epochs, the Olympiad era counting and the Seleucid era counting, drawn principally from other writers, to verify the historicity of many of these events.

In spite of their differences in the general span of years, there is not necessarily disagreement between Josephus and Seder Olam when Josephus refers to dates of Sabbatical years during the Second Temple period, as the time-frame for these dates overlap those mentioned in Seder Olam chapter 30 for the Grecian , Hasmonean , and Herodian periods.

The text of the Book of Leviticus argues that the Jubilee existed because the land was the possession of Yahweh , and its current occupiers were merely aliens or tenants, and therefore the land should not be sold forever.

A further theological insight afforded by the Jubilee cycles is explained in Andrew Steinmann's monograph on Biblical chronology. He also notes that the date of the entry into the land implied by Ezekiel's Jubilee the seventeenth is in exact agreement with the date calculated from 1 Kings and Joshua These chronological considerations are usually neglected in discussions of the legislation for the Jubilee and Sabbatical years, but Steinmann stresses their theological importance as follows:.

This illustrates one of the principles stated in the preface to the present book: that some historical insights will remain obscured until the chronology of the period under discussion is determined properly.

The Jubilee and Sabbatical cycles provide such historical insight. But they do more: they also offer theological insights on such important matters as the date and historicity of the Exodus and the origin of the Book of Leviticus.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Year at the end of seven cycles of shmita Sabbatical years. Tanakh Torah Nevi'im Ketuvim.

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